Chile Before the 1988 Plebiscite

A lot of attention has been paid to the 1988 Chilean Plebiscite when the Augusto Pinochet allowed the Chilean people to participate in a referendum that would result in 56% of voters rejecting his rule. The No campaign that was waged by opponents has become a primer for how to drive up voter participation among opponents of a violently repressive state.

Less attention, however, has been paid to how Chile got to the place where a plebiscite became possible in the first place. Why did Pinochet open the door to his downfall? How did his opposition win an election he controlled?

Here's how various movements contributed to creating the conditions for this democratic turning point:

A Courageous and Resilient Labor Movement

Despite harsh repression, Chilean labor unions maintained organizational structures throughout the dictatorship. The Copper Workers Confederation led national protests starting in 1983, organizing "Days of National Protest" that demonstrated continued resistance was possible even under severe repression. These actions helped break the climate of fear that Pinochet had cultivated; a climate of fear that Pinochet believed would suppress voter participation in his favor.

Women's Organizations

Women's groups played a crucial role by creating new forms of organizing that were harder for the regime to target. Organizations like "Women for Life" brought together women across political divides - from communist to Christian democratic backgrounds. The public demonstrations they organized (like tying ribbons in public spaces or performing traditional Chilean dances with political messages) created visible resistance that was difficult for the regime to suppress without appearing excessively brutal.

Human Rights Documentation

Human rights organizations meticulously documented disappearances and torture, creating an evidentiary record that undermined regime legitimacy. The Vicariate of Solidarity, protected by the Catholic Church, maintained detailed records of human rights abuses when such documentation was extremely dangerous. This work provided crucial evidence for international pressure and created accountability expectations for the plebiscite.

Student Movement Regeneration

University students rebuilt movement infrastructure despite infiltration and repression. They organized around initially non-political issues before gradually expanding into open opposition. Student protests in 1987 demonstrated the regime's declining support among younger Chileans and created visible public resistance.

Pobladores (Urban Poor) Organizing

Community organizations in poor urban areas maintained mutual aid networks that served both survival needs and created organizing spaces. These community-based efforts built political consciousness while addressing immediate needs, developing leadership that would later mobilize for the plebiscite.

Strategic Coalition Building

Perhaps most significantly, social movements gradually overcame the intense political divisions that Pinochet had exploited. The 1983-1986 period saw the formation of various coalitions, culminating in the Concertación de Partidos por el No - the coalition that would defeat Pinochet in the plebiscite. This coalition building didn't happen spontaneously but resulted from intentional dialogue between different movement sectors.

When Pinochet called the 1988 plebiscite (expecting to win and legitimize continued rule), these interconnected movements provided the organizational infrastructure for voter registration, education, and turnout that led to his defeat. The movements had prepared the ground by maintaining resistance, documenting abuses, building coalition frameworks, and, most importantly, breaking the culture of fear that had suppressed democratic participation.