Follow-up: Fighting the Authoritarian Threat of the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR)
Introduction: The Moment We’re In
We are living through a time of massive transformation. The world’s major axial religions—Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianism—are experiencing upheavals that parallel the Protestant Reformation. These shifts are not just religious—they are deeply entangled with economic, technological, and political crises that are destabilizing governance structures that had been built in and for the distinctive threats and needs we were facing in the 20th century.
The Protestant Reformation reshaped European governance, fueled wars, sparked national revolutions, and ultimately led to the creation of secular nation-states. Similarly, today’s religious transformations are feeding political fragmentation, radicalization, and a crisis of institutional legitimacy across the globe. Consider this: Twenty years ago, about half the world’s population lived under autocratic governments. Today, by the more dire estimates, over 70% of the world’s people live under autocracies.
The New Apostolic Reformation (NAR) is emerging in this context, as a movement that blends Christian nationalism with a militant, authoritarian political vision. Unlike traditional fundamentalists who place their hopes in an apocalyptic future, NAR adherents believe that the Kingdom of God is already here—and that they are called to seize control of governments, institutions, and society right now.
To them, politics is war, and there is no neutrality. You’re either in the Kingdom, or you’re the enemy.
This absolutism makes the movement inherently authoritarian, anti-democratic, resistant to compromise, and increasingly prone to violence.
The NAR and its allies are relatively small in number, but they are extraordinarily unified, disciplined, and well-coordinated. Meanwhile, those of us fighting for democracy are diverse, under-organized, and often reactive rather than proactive, putting us at a major disadvantage.
But here’s the good news: There are far more of us than there are of them.
So, the real challenge before us is not just how to oppose the NAR’s dangerous vision, but how to leverage our diversity into a powerful, cohesive force that can defend and expand democracy.
This essay focuses on three key areas:
What is fueling the rise of the NAR?
How do we effectively defend against their influence?
How do we build a stronger, more unified pro-democracy movement?
1. What Is Fueling the Rise of the NAR?
The NAR did not emerge in a vacuum. It is gaining followers and political influence because of deep systemic and cultural conditions that we must address if we are going to stop it.
A. The Information Age & The Digital Reformation
Just as the printing press in the 16th century enabled mass literacy and fueled the Protestant Reformation, the internet has democratized religious and political discourse in ways that are both liberating and destabilizing.
Hierarchical religious authorities are losing control over doctrine as alternative interpretations of faith proliferate online, leading to fragmentation, extremism, and radical new sects.
This has enabled leaderless movements, fostering conspiratorial faith-based worldviews that bleed into political life (e.g., QAnon’s quasi-religious narrative in the U.S.).
B. The Collapse of 20th-Century Governance Models
The secular, liberal democratic order that shaped the 20th century is under siege, in part because it relied on assumptions of institutional stability and controlled religious influence.
With globalization, mass migration, and political disillusionment, many people are rejecting secular, pluralistic democracy in favor of faith-based, identity-driven governance models.
Groups like the NAR have been extremely effective at narrating these societal shifts as proof that their vision must be enacted, while democracy advocates have failed to present a compelling counter-narrative.
C. The Crisis of Meaning and Belonging
Traditional forms of community—unions, civic organizations, local churches—have eroded. In this vacuum, the NAR offers a radical sense of purpose and belonging.
The movement provides deep social ties, making leaving psychologically and socially costly.
D. Economic Insecurity & The False Promise of Christian Dominionism
Many NAR followers come from working- and middle-class communities that feel abandoned by globalization and neoliberal economic policies.
The movement exploits these anxieties, offering a theocratic vision where the “righteous” prosper while secular society collapses.
It redirects economic grievances into religious warfare rather than demands for economic justice.
E. The Authoritarian Appeal of Certainty
The NAR, like all authoritarian movements, eliminates ambiguity—you are either among the chosen or you are damned.
It promises absolute moral authority and clear rules, offering an escape from the exhausting complexity of democracy.
2. How Do We Defend Against the NAR?
Understanding what fuels this movement helps us identify how to disrupt its growth and minimize its impact.
A. Expose and Challenge Their Theocratic Agenda
Many Americans still do not fully understand the NAR’s ambitions.
Their goal is not religious freedom—it is total domination.
We must expose their financial and political networks, many of which are tied to dark money and global authoritarian movements.
B. Rebuild Institutional Trust Through Action, Not Just Messaging
We cannot just tell people to “trust democracy” while institutions continue to fail them.
We need real, community-driven solutions—mutual aid, local governance, economic justice efforts—that make democracy feel real in people’s lives.
We must also engage faith communities that reject Christian nationalism and amplify their voices.
C. Counter Their Strength: Social & Cultural Solidarity
The NAR thrives because it builds tight, disciplined communities—we must do the same.
Invest in grassroots organizing, art, storytelling, and movement culture that fosters deep relationships, not just short-term activism.
D. Disrupt Their Political and Electoral Strategies
The NAR is targeting local school boards, sheriff’s departments, and state legislatures—we must fight them at every level.
Run candidates who expose their agenda and mobilize opposition.
Strengthen ballot initiatives and voting rights protections to block their ability to seize power through minority rule.
3. How Do We Build a More Unified, Effective Pro-Democracy Movement?
Our greatest strength is also our biggest challenge: we are diverse, they are not. They operate under a singular authoritarian vision. We believe in freedom, democracy, and pluralism—but that can make us harder to organize. Here’s how we change that:
A. Shift from Reactive to Proactive Strategy
We cannot only play defense—we need a bold, affirmative vision for an inclusive democracy.
Answer key questions: What does a just, democratic society look like? How do we inspire people to fight for it?
B. Build a Political Home for the Pro-Democracy Majority
Many movements exist, but where do they converge?
We need a political vehicle that can consolidate our efforts and make the whole greater than the sum of its parts.
Conclusion: The Time to Act Is Now
The NAR is a serious and immediate threat to democracy, but it is not unbeatable.
We should view the NAR as part of the cultural arm of a secular, political and economic move on the part of authoritarian oligarchs who intent to take over and/or destroy public institutions and reshape geopolitics to suit their kleptocratic aims. In this way, it is like so many past waves of imperialism historically for which culture is the soft entry point into communities that we eventually taken over. This pacifies potential communities of resistance by enveloping and/or dividing and intimidating them in order to pave the way for takeover.
The people who are getting caught up in NAR at the grassroots level need, in this context, to be viewed with compassion. They are responding to fear and uncertainty. Adopting this kind of compassion makes us better suited to fight for the loyalty of those at their immediate projected base of additional adherents.
In all of this, we should remember that they are still relatively few in number, but they are deeply organized. We are many, but we must become organized.
If we move from reaction to strategy, from fragmentation to unity, from defending democracy to expanding it, we can win.
The question is: Are we ready to do the work?