Slovakia: A Narrow Victory Against Right-Wing Populism

What Happened in Slovakia

Slovakia has been experiencing a critical democratic struggle since Robert Fico returned to power as Prime Minister in 2023. The confrontation between his populist, pro-Russian government and the progressive opposition reflects broader tensions playing out across Europe.

The Rise of Fico and His Policies

In September 2023, Robert Fico's leftist-nationalist Smer-SD party won the parliamentary elections with 23% of the vote, returning him to power for a fourth term as Prime Minister. Fico, who had previously been forced to resign in 2018 following mass protests over the murder of investigative journalist Ján Kuciak, formed a coalition government with the leftist Hlas party and the nationalist Slovak National Party (SNS).

Since taking office, Fico's government has implemented several controversial policies:

1. Foreign Policy Shift: Fico terminated military aid to Ukraine, opposed EU sanctions against Russia, promised to block Ukraine's NATO membership, and even suggested Slovakia's potential withdrawal from the EU and NATO.

2. Media Crackdown: In April 2024, the government approved a law to abolish the existing Radio and Television of Slovakia (RTVS) public broadcasting service and replace it with a new entity, citing alleged "political activism" and "lack of objectivity."

3. Judicial System Changes: The government pushed through reforms to reduce penalties for corruption and abolished the Special Prosecutor's Office that had been investigating high-profile corruption cases, including some involving Fico's allies.

4. Pro-Russian Stance: Fico personally visited Moscow in December 2024 to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare visit for an EU leader since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

The Opposition's Response

The primary opposition to Fico's government has been led by Progressive Slovakia (PS), a liberal, pro-European party founded in 2017 and currently led by Michal Šimečka. Despite losing the 2023 parliamentary elections to Fico's Smer-SD, PS has established itself as a significant political force:

1. Electoral Gains: Though Fico's Smer party won the 2023 parliamentary elections, Progressive Slovakia won the European Parliament elections in both 2019 and 2024, demonstrating growing support for pro-European politics.

2. Strategic Adjustments: After becoming the main opposition party, PS has been making a strategic shift toward a more centrist position to broaden its appeal beyond urban areas, trying to shed its image as merely a "Bratislava party.”

3. Mass Mobilization: Throughout 2024-2025, the opposition has organized massive protests against Fico's policies. In January 2025 alone, tens of thousands of Slovaks gathered across 28 different locations to protest Fico's pro-Russian policies, with additional large protests continuing through February and March.

4. Presidential Race: In the 2024 presidential election, Ivan Korčok, supported by PS and other opposition parties, surprised many by winning the first round with 43% of the vote, though he ultimately lost the runoff to Fico's ally Peter Pellegrini.

Civil Society Response

Slovak civil society has played a crucial role in opposing Fico's authoritarian tendencies:

1. Urban and Rural Mobilization: One surprising aspect of the anti-Fico protests has been their spread beyond major cities into smaller towns, including areas where Fico's party traditionally enjoys strong support.

2. Pro-European Messaging: Protesters have rallied under slogans like "Slovakia is Europe" and condemned Fico as a "traitor" for his pro-Russian stance.

3. Youth Engagement: Young Slovaks have been prominently involved in the protests, with student groups and young professionals participating in large numbers.

4. Professional Opposition: In January 2025, hundreds of Slovak psychiatrists and psychologists wrote an open letter expressing concern about the government's impact on democracy and Slovakia's global standing.

Why It Matters

The confrontation between Fico's government and the opposition in Slovakia matters for several key reasons:

1. Democratic Resilience Test: The Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Institute placed Slovakia on an autocratizers 'watchlist', noting that its liberal democracy score fell from 76.2 in 2022 to only 58.4 in 2024. The country's ability to resist further democratic erosion is being tested.

2. EU Unity: Fico's pro-Russian stance threatens to fracture EU unity on Ukraine policy, potentially forming a bloc with Hungary's Viktor Orbán to obstruct EU decisions requiring unanimity.

3. Polarization Model: The deep polarization in Slovak society reflects similar divisions across Europe and the United States, offering insights into how democracies respond to populist challenges.

4. Geographic Significance: Given Slovakia's position as a NATO and EU member sharing a border with Ukraine, its foreign policy orientation has significant geopolitical implications.

5. Democratic Contagion: Whether Slovakia succumbs to or resists autocratization could influence democratic trajectories in neighboring countries facing similar pressures.

Lessons for U.S. Anti-Authoritarian Movements

The Slovak experience offers several valuable lessons for those opposing authoritarianism in the United States:

1. Build Broad Coalitions That Transcend Urban-Rural Divides

Progressive Slovakia initially struggled with being perceived as primarily an urban, Bratislava-centered party. Their recent strategy teaches the importance of expanding beyond urban strongholds:

• PS is strategically shifting toward a more centrist position to broaden its appeal to rural voters and non-urban regions.

• The most successful anti-Fico protests have been those that mobilized people not just in major cities but in smaller towns and rural areas.

• U.S. anti-authoritarian movements must similarly bridge urban-rural divides by addressing economic concerns and framing democratic values in accessible, non-elitist language.

2. Effectively Frame the Struggle as Patriotic

The Slovak opposition has successfully framed resistance to Fico not as partisan politics but as a defense of national identity and interests:

• Protesters use slogans like "Slovakia is Europe" to position pro-democratic activism as patriotic.

• Opposition messaging emphasizes that Fico's policies threaten Slovakia's international standing and economic interests.

• U.S. movements should similarly frame democratic defense as inherently patriotic rather than partisan, emphasizing shared American values across the political spectrum.

3. Utilize Multiple Institutional Channels Simultaneously

The Slovak resistance has operated through both institutional and extra-institutional channels:

• While organizing street protests, opposition parties simultaneously utilized parliamentary procedures to challenge Fico's policies.

• When President Čaputová referred controversial changes to Slovakia's criminal code to the Constitutional Court, the court ruled portions of the law unconstitutional.

• U.S. anti-authoritarians should similarly leverage all available institutional channels (courts, legislatures, regulatory bodies) while also building mass movements.

4. Maintain Democratic Resilience Through Civic Education

Slovakia's ability to mobilize against authoritarianism stems partly from its collective memory of past struggles:

• The 1998 defeat of Vladimir Mečiar's semi-authoritarian regime through democratic mobilization created a precedent for effective civic action.

• Civic education and historical consciousness have helped Slovaks recognize and respond to democratic threats.

• U.S. movements should invest in civic education that teaches democratic values and the history of successful resistance to authoritarianism.

5. Leverage International Connections While Maintaining Local Ownership

The Slovak opposition has effectively utilized its European connections:

• PS is affiliated with the Renew Europe group at the EU level, giving it international legitimacy.

• International pressure has complemented domestic resistance to Fico's more extreme policies.

• U.S. anti-authoritarian movements can similarly benefit from international solidarity while ensuring their messaging remains locally rooted and culturally relevant.

6. Develop Counter-Narratives to Disinformation

Slovakia faces significant challenges from disinformation:

• According to the Vulnerability Index, although Slovakia still has a vibrant civil society, public attitudes are particularly susceptible to malign foreign influence.

• The opposition has worked to counter Fico's false narratives about protesters being foreign agents or attempting a coup.

• U.S. movements must similarly develop effective counter-narratives to disinformation and conspiracy theories that undermine democratic discourse.

7. Persevere Despite Setbacks

The Slovak opposition has demonstrated remarkable resilience despite electoral defeats:

• Even though PS lost the parliamentary election to Fico's party and their presidential candidate ultimately lost the runoff, they have continued building momentum through European Parliament elections and street protests.

• Fico's parliamentary coalition has been "rocked by the defection of three SNS lawmakers and the rebellion of four Hlas politicians against the government,” showing how persistence can create cracks in seemingly solid power blocs.

• U.S. anti-authoritarians should similarly persevere through electoral setbacks, viewing democracy protection as a long-term struggle.

The Takeaway

The Slovak case represents a critical and ongoing struggle between democratic and authoritarian forces. While Fico did win the parliamentary elections and his ally won the presidency, the opposition's resilience and continued mobilization have moderated the government's behavior and kept democratic discourse alive.

The situation remains fluid, with large-scale protests continuing into 2025 and Fico facing growing pressure from both domestic opposition and EU institutions. The opposition's success in mobilizing both urban and rural citizens around democratic values, despite not holding formal power, offers a model for anti-authoritarian movements globally.

For U.S. anti-authoritarian movements, Slovakia's experience demonstrates the importance of building broad coalitions, framing democratic defense as patriotic, utilizing multiple institutional channels, investing in civic education, leveraging international connections while maintaining local ownership, developing effective counter-narratives to disinformation, and persevering through setbacks. Though the struggle continues, Slovakia's democratic resilience provides valuable lessons in how to effectively organize against authoritarian threats in contemporary democracies.